This  is in response to the commentary, A Special Curse for Nitish, by Abheek  Barman, published in these pages on March 27. Decoding the politics of  special category status masks its economic rationale. Predictions on  political alliances occupy media centre-stage. It has overlooked that  Bihar began its campaign for special category status several years ago,  culminating in the recent rally. This was much before political  alliances became fragile. We need to disentangle several issues. The use  of the term “backward”, which was introduced in the lexicon of the  Planning Commission as early as the Third Five-Year Plan, is often  conflicting. It has been used in multiple ways. The Backward Regions  Grant Fund (BRGF), which began in 2006-07, addresses backwardness on  multiple criteria covering 272 districts. Bihar has 38 backward  districts and availed of the earmarked funds. This is different from the  special plan to compensate for the economic consequences of the  separation of Jharkhand from Bihar. After the enactment of the Bihar  Reorganisation Bill, 2000, a special cell under the deputy chairman of  the Planning Commission is expected to compensate for the adverse  revenue and development consequences of the bifurcation. Contrary to the  large sums requested in the memorandum of the state government and the  resolution of the Bihar assembly, only incremental sums were available  in the Xth and XIth Plans. Based on the recommendations of  an inter-governmental group, . 12,000 crore is now proposed for the  XIIth Plan. This awaits Cabinet approval. So, we need to segregate the  rationale of the Bihar special plan with the BRGF. It is inappropriate  to mix apples and oranges. Special category status for states was  introduced in 1969. The Gadgil formula announced a more liberal  devolution of funds for three states: Assam, Nagaland and Jammu &  Kashmir. This was based on the criteria of hilly terrain, sparse  population and international borders. Subsequently, this was expanded to  11 states. Special category status enhances the resource capability of  the state by altering the mix of Centre-state contribution for  centrally-sponsored schemes. It frees state resources, enabling access  to external funds, and the associated tax breaks with a sunset clause  incentivises private investments. This policy has worked. According to  the CSO data of 2011, per-capita income was higher in special category  states like Himachal Pradesh (. 47,106), Sikkim (. 47,655), Tripura (.  37,216) and Mizoram (. 36,732) compared to some general category states  such as Bihar (. 13,632), with a national average of . 35,993. The  percentage of population below the poverty line suggests an improved  picture for special category states, with nine out of 11 of these states  faring better than the national average of 29.8%. Bihar remains at the  bottom with 53.5% of its population below the poverty line. Similarly,  in terms of per-capita consumption of electricity, literacy and  state-wise share in aggregate valued added in the manufacturing sector,  the special category states have a better record than some general  category states. Bihar’s share in manufacturing is a meagre 0.4%  compared to higher numbers for Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Assam and  J&K, which have a smaller populations compared to Bihar. Also,  Bihar’s plea for special category status seeks to reverse policies of  the past such as freight equalisation, skewed central investment and  political predilections in the devolution of resources. The progress of  Bihar has been largely public outlay-driven. The shortage of energy  after bifurcation, the denial of coal linkages and a demand-supply gap  of 1,500 MW in 2012 discourages value-added activity. The new approach  in the Economic Survey and the Budget speech is politically neutral.  States are to be ranked on multiple development parameters, on their  distance from the national mean and policies devised to get them to the  national average in time. Bihar’s recent development is an outcome of  improved governance. Retribution for past electoral choices should not  withhold the medicine to address a chronic ailment. Special category  status is neither curse nor boon. It is to provide a level playing field  for Bihar, for a better life and jobs. 
The writer is a JD(U) MP